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This doesn’t absolve us from confronting the grim future awaiting on the other side, given the numerous gaps in the proposed framework.
This is happening in an area where the IDF already claimed victory and declared most of the population evacuated. However, soldiers and officers testify that the operation wasn’t being conducted properly: the forces deployed were insufficient and lacked adequate heavy equipment.
The Nahal Brigade acknowledged an under-discussed issue — soldiers are utterly exhausted. They’ve been fighting intermittently since October 7 with minimal leaves. The effects are evident. As this war is being managed, it hasn’t yielded sufficient results.
This raises the question: if the agreement allows residents to return to northern Gaza (and not just innocent civilians will seize the opportunity), how will Israel ensure it can resume fighting if Hamas decides to break the deal?
The costs will be far higher than what we’ve paid so far. Incidentally, withdrawing from the Philadelphi Corridor — once deemed essential by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu just months ago — now seems less dangerous. However, flooding the area with a civilian population will turn any renewed combat into a nightmare.
Conversely, the severe errors in Beit Hanoun highlight the army’s urgent need for reinforcements, including replacing commanders who’ve already admitted their responsibility for October 7.
This is an unreasonable scope of vastly different missions, creating a fatal gap in the division’s attention, resources and ability to handle the intensity of Hamas’ resistance.
Fifteen months into the war, the military has yet to truly dismantle Hamas’ military wing — a clear failure of its mandate.
Meanwhile, decision-makers haven’t acted to establish an alternative to governance in Gaza. This leaves us with a deal where we’re paying a heavy price that should’ve been reserved for a comprehensive agreement — not a partial one. Once this deal is done, the leverage needed to ensure subsequent stages will disappear.

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